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CHIANG MAI, THAILAND -- When asked to describe the state of journalism in Burma today, I am forced to admit that I have little to say. There has been no meaningful improvement in the past dozen years since the current military regime seized power in a bloody coup in 1988. Therefore I can only say that there is little hope for press freedom in Burma in the foreseeable future. But if you were to press me for a more satisfactory answer, I could say, in all honesty, that press freedom does exist in Burma today-for the generals. For the khaki-clad dictators of Burma, press freedom is absolute. They are free to use the media however they please-to promote their xenophobic world view, to slam the democratic opposition, to tell the Burmese people how they, the generals, saved the country from the unrest that threatened to end military rule twelve years ago. But for the rest of us-for ordinary Burmese citizens with something to say, and more particularly for professional journalists with an obligation to keep others informed-the situation is rather different. Journalism is not dead in Burma, but it is in a deep, deep coma. While the future of journalism in Burma remains uncertain, there is some solace in reviewing the history of this profession in my country and realizing that the Burmese social and political climate is not intrinsically hostile to the principle of press freedom. As I shall try to show, journalism has flourished in Burma in the past, and there is no reason why it could not someday be restored to its former position of honor in a free and open Burma of the future. The origins of the press in Burma The public dissemination of information through mass publication became a part of Burmese life during the early years of British colonial rule, at a time when Upper Burma was still under the control of a Burmese monarch. The Maulmain Chronicle, an English-language weekly, became Burma's first newspaper in March 1836. It was started in Moulmein, a port city in southern Burma, ten years after the first Anglo-Burmese war had brought Lower Burma under Britain's direct control. Mr. E.A Blundell, the publisher of The Maulmain Chronicle, was also at that time a commissioner of the Tenassarim region, and so it was very much in the nature of the government publication. The Maulmain Chronicle started out with just ten subscribers, and publication was irregular. It was a modest start, but within a few years, the Burmese had their own newspaper, published in the vernacular. King Mindon, who continued to rule in Upper Burma, was impressed by the newspapers that had reached him from Lower Burma and India. He invited some newspaper editors to his palace, and he expressed his desire to start a newspaper in his kingdom. And so Burma's first Burmese-language newspaper, Yadanaopon, was born. Although this nineteenth-century Burmese king had obviously never had an opportunity to see Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, he declared firmly that press freedom must prevail in his kingdom. He even invited journalists to wander around his palace and inform their readers if he or his queens did anything amiss. The struggle for independence and beyond Early in the next century two newspapers, The Sun and The New Light of Burma, played a major role in heightening awareness of the struggle against colonial rule. Without these newspapers, independence from British rule would have been an unachievable dream. Their editors and journalists stood up against the colonial authorities, despite threats and intimidation. After Burma regained its independence, more than 30 newspapers, including English- and Chinese-language titles, were in circulation. Newspapers continued to maintain their prominent role. With little interference from the authorities, Burma's journalists were free to cover events as they saw fit. They were also free to establish contacts with international press associations. In the 1950s, under Prime Minister U Nu, the press in Burma remained largely unrestricted. The Prime Minister himself was always accessible to journalists, who could easily set up an appointment to meet him at his residence. At that time Burma stood out as one of the few countries in Southeast Asia where journalists enjoyed press freedom. But things changed dramatically following a military coup in 1962 that installed Gen Ne Win as the absolute ruler of Burma. Newspapers were nationalized and well-respected editors forced to close down their papers. Editors, journalists and writers deemed to be enemies of the state were thrown into jail. Many others fled the country. Media associations were told to dissolve and Rangoon-based foreign correspondents were forced to leave the country. Shortly after the coup NE Win held his first and only press conference. As the journalists began questioning Burma's new, self-declared ruler about his mission, he became increasingly irritable. The veteran journalists did not give up, however, but continued to press him for answers. Finally, the angry general jumped up, gave his chair a kick, and, with a few parting obscenities, charged out of the room, leaving the pressmen in speechless amazement. That was the beginning of the end of press freedom in Burma. Under his 26-year socialist dictatorship, all forms of public expression were subject to censorship by the Press Scrutiny Board (PSB), which was set up to ensure that freedom of expression was practiced only ''within the accepted limits of the Burmese way to socialism,'' as the official state ideology was known. By the 1970s, Burmese journalists realized that they had become hostages of the regime. Journalists who did not want to risk their lives quit their profession. Those who continued to work in state-owned newspapers had to abide by the government's line. The alternative was to spend years in Burma's notorious Insein prison. Though Burma under NE Win continued to publish more than one daily newspaper, the coverage of news was bland and limited almost exclusively to the government's activities. Newspapers differed from one another only in form, not in substance. During this 26-year period, especially between 1970 and 1988, newspapers served only as means of disseminating state propaganda. Criticizing state leaders' wrong doings and discussing serious political issues was simply unheard of. The "democracy summer" of 1988 and the return to military rule In 1988, however, Burma witnessed a fleeting resurgence of genuine journalism, only to see it come firmly under the thumb of the military once again. As Burma's streets filled with millions of peaceful demonstrators, almost 100 private newspapers, journals and bulletins came into circulation to report on and record the amazing events of the democracy summer of 1988. Even government-owned newspapers began to provide accurate coverage of the movement, possibly in the belief that they would never again be placed in the shackles of state control. Unfortunately, this belief proved to be unfounded. After a bloody crackdown on peaceful protesters on September 18, the military regained control of the country and the newspapers once again became thralls of the state. In the immediate aftermath of the coup, newspaper pages were filled with martial law orders, threats, and the junta's militaristic slogans. The number of newspapers was reduced to just two, one in Burmese and another in English. Lt Gen Khin Nyunt, the mastermind of the September coup, clearly summed up the regime's perception of the media's role in the dramatic events of 1988: "I have not forgotten that during the 1988 disturbances certain journalists, who disregarded their code of conduct and dignity and who were influenced by the leftist and rightist ideologies, instigated the rebellion. Some publications took advantage of the situation and concocted reports to please the neo-colonialist. This was unforgivable." Burmese journalists thus came under increased scrutiny. Correspondents for local papers and Burmese working for wire services are extremely wary of contact with unknown outsiders, revealing the deep paranoia that has become almost a normal state of mind for journalists forced to work under the watchful eye of the Military Intelligence Service. Last year, when senior intelligence officers invited a group of veteran journalists from the Foreign Correspondents Club of Myanmar to attend a dinner, some of the journalists jokingly asked if they should bring blankets and mosquito nets. Such "invitations" from the MIS often involve prolonged periods of interrogation and imprisonment. Reporters and writers have been arrested on numerous occasions for publishing stories that "make people lose respect for the government." The jail term for such an offenses is between five and seven years with hard labor. The effect of all this has been journalism that is so bland and so divorced from people's interests that newspapers and TV news programs are considered something of a joke. Most people simply switch off the television when the news comes on, and newspapers are generally read from back to front, as the few truly interesting bits of news that actually make it into the papers are usually relegated to the final few pages These days, a top general's visit to a temple or a construction site would make a typical lead story on the front page of a Burmese newspaper. Similarly, a news segment about a day in the life of a junta leader can go on for up to thirty minutes or an hour, complete with long silences as the commentator runs out of things to say. Foreign news is also heavily censored. For instance, the student unrest in Jakarta in 1998 and the subsequent fall of Suharto was scarcely mentioned in the state-run press. News about the trials of two former South Korean presidents accused of human rights violations and other abuses of power was also suppressed, for the obvious reason that it might encourage the Burmese people to entertain similar dreams of justice in their own country. Not only local reporters, but also foreign journalists, have come under pressure from the regime. Many have been blacklisted, and those who do get into the country on tourist visas are deported when they try to meet with opposition figures. Many have simply been turned back at the airport. Journalists who are permitted to enter Burma are invariably monitored. Thus reliable news and information out of Burma remains scarce. For local journalists, favorable articles about the democratic opposition, particularly Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, represent the ultimate taboo. Although she is seldom mentioned by name, Aung San Suu Kyi is often referred to in articles and editorials that attack her in the crudest imaginable terms. These articles are written by official propagandists, and all state-owned and joint venture publications are required to publish them. On the other hand, when Aung San Suu Kyi was released after six years of house arrest in 1995, the local media was forbidden to cover this event, which was a major breaking story in the rest of the world. Despite such draconian restrictions, however, the number of new business magazines, journals and weekly newsmagazines has mushroomed in Burma since 1988. Even under heavy censorship, these publications reveal a wealth of talent and a skillful handling of issues. One of the best-known new publications is Thintbawa ("Your Life"), which is particularly noted for its coverage of social and educational issues. It has done a remarkable job of dealing with potentially sensitive subject matter, but there are clearly limits to how skillfully one can evade the censors. For example, in an issue of Thintbawa that covered student movements and the education system in Burma from the 1920s to the 1990s, 58 out of 160 pages were torn out. Apart from the long-term, deliberate effect of retarding the political and social consciousness of the Burmese people, the junta's restrictions on press freedom are having other, unintentional effects that also threaten the well being of the nation's citizens. This is most obviously the case with the regime's denial of the scale of the HIV/AIDS crisis facing Burma. Doctors, nurses and other health workers have risked their lives to tell foreign journalists about the AIDS situation in Burma, but the xenophobic Rangoon generals insist that details published in the international media have been fabricated to discredit the regime. Meanwhile, as the Burmese press takes every possible opportunity to "reveal" the evils lurking behind the pro-democracy movement, it expends precious little effort trying to educate Burmese people about the dangers of AIDS. Life and death issues are ignored to ensure the political survival of a handful of powerful generals. The outlook for press freedom in Burma Since 1998, when the New York-based Committee to Protect journalists (CPJ) released a report describing Burma and Indonesia as the two foremost "enemies of the press" of the press in Asia, the Indonesian media has seen dramatic improvements in terms of press freedom. Unfortunately, however, Burma has seen none. Last year, it was rumored that two Burmese journalists were allegedly tortured to death after a picture of Lt Gen Khin Nyunt was placed above a headline about "world-famous crooks" in the Burmese-language newspaper, The Mirror. Reporters Sans Frontiers expressed its grave concern about these rumors, and called for an investigation, but so far, no one has been able to confirm what actually took place. The regime of course denied the allegations, but it is known that intelligence officers arrested several members of the Mirror's staff and interrogated them. This was not the first time that a printing error showing generals in a bad light has appeared in a Burmese newspaper, and it doubtless will not be the last. The regime clearly does not believe that such cases are accidental, and they may be correct in suspecting that there is some subversive intent behind them. For there is every reason to believe that Burmese journalists are fed up with the lies that they are forced to tell every day. Aung Zaw, editor of the Irrawaddy Magazine presented this speech to the World Press Freedom Day in Jakarta.
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The State of Journalism in Burma
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